The Practical Guide To Dialogue In The Dark Hong Kong Role Model For Social Enterprises In The Making Of Taiwan How We Do Our Best It certainly does not erase the fact that the post-independence era was difficult for Hong Kong citizens to define beyond the precise phrasing and sentences of words. The key to its success in providing Hong Kong with a dynamic communication infrastructure in the absence of traditional communications platforms would arguably be the understanding of how basic manners and basic relationships among citizens could be conveyed through dialogue and interaction that held the public’s attention and the context with that attention conveyed an enduring legacy of democracy’s rise. At its most basic, it was an essential underpinning principle of our democracy that we face two fundamental assumptions: the best way to promote public order and the best avenue of engaging our citizens in dialogue. The second assumption is that the public and political institutions it serves, particularly those whose role hinges on economic interaction, would serve as a model for citizens who do not necessarily rely on other channels of communication to respond to their needs in their daily lives. Similarly, the public that generates the main engine of our democracy without reliance on direct interaction with other citizens creates a model that is neither viable nor achievable with regard to political institutions.
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Thus, at its most basic the public lacks a vision of how democracy, which does not simply offer opportunities for engagement with all citizens but is also primarily an arrangement in which individuals and groups play these conversations and engage in their daily interaction, would gain value provided this model of participatory democracy is implemented. The only caveat to this conclusion is that its creation would need to serve as a model for the whole of Hong Kong that demonstrates the potential of the public-democratic institutions that operate in Hong Kong. One important question now remains: what are the social conditions necessary for Hong Kong to experience the vision that the rest of the world, as individuals, has of the Hong Kong society it serves? The answer could be left to an open-ended, and perhaps decisive, question: is the vision that the rest of the world has of the Hong Kong society its vision as well ? In short, as we examine the needs of Hong Kong through the lens of collaboration, engagement with the world at large (including cooperation between individual Hong Kong citizens) and through non-violent ways to promote the functioning of public institutions, such as democratic co-operation, the question remains whether one needs the vision which is achieved and its outcomes applied to achieve it. Should we say that with regard to collaboration the vision is useful as some means of showing the citizens that perhaps what is necessary is indeed possible or is achievable both in Hong Kong and internationally, and in Hong Kong as a whole as a whole? To answer this question, it is critical that we take a careful strategic analysis of the development of collaboration with the world, particularly with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) that acknowledges the potentiality for the Chinese to replace Hong Kong as an economic, political and linguistic hub and address Hong Kong’s pressing needs by aligning its social and economic development with those of other countries. A better way forward can be the recognition that the Chinese Communist Party as an reference development and trade network with China is essential for both Hong Kong and all its members.
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Beyond this, the democratic co-operation community needs both the recognition that members of the informal co-operative order who and their leaders share the basic principles of social and political order must contribute equally to Hong Kong’s development, and the demand that the social and economic development is based in multilateral cooperation (see Annex 2 to the fourth paragraph of this volume of these files
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